Arguments

Language, identity and culture in Eastern Africa

Thu, 01 Mar 2007 06:00:00 GMT

By HUMPHREY J. OJWANG,
Sunday Times of Kenya

The Luo people are scattered all over Eastern Africa including Sudan and Ethiopia and have been identifying themselves as a special entity who have preserved their cultural heritage wherever they reside. Our writer, HUMPHREY J. OJWANG takes us through the cultural and social diversity of this community during his numerous personal interactions with them in Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and Ethiopia.

The Luo speaking people of Eastern Africa are found in the Sudan, Ethiopia,Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania and the Congo. Their language(s) and dialects belong to the broader cluster known as the Nilo-Saharan Group.

Under this category, the Luo language(s) fall under the Western Nilotic languages. The language spoken by Luo people is known as Dho-Luo. In Uganda, the Luo people prefer to call their language Lep-Luo. The prefix dho is derived from the Luo word dhok which means mouth. The word on the other hand, means tongue. Hence, lep, may actually be seen to refer to a dialect rather than a language. When I was on an educational tour of Uganda, a few years ago a young Ugandan Luo from the Northern region asked me: “Lep-Luo gin adi Kenya?” This translates as; “How many Luo dialects tongues are there in Kenya?”

I answered him: “Lep Luo en achiel Kenya.” This translates as: “There is only one major Luo dialect (tongue) in Kenya.”

I went on to explain to him that there were minor variations of Lep-Luo especially between the Alego/Ugenya (known as Trans\Yala dialect by socio-linguists) and the South Nyanza dialect which is largely spoken by the rest of the Luo people in Kenya (and neighbouring Tanzania.

The young Ugandan Luo looked rather surprised and exclaimed: “Lep Luo Kenya en maduong!” This translates as: “The Luo tongue (or dialect) in Kenya is rather large (or big)!”

He went on to explain to me that they have several Luo tongues (Lep-Luo mathoth), for example: Lep-Alur, Lep-Achol, Lep-Lango,Lep-Adhola.

These are the major Luo tongues or dialects in Uganda but there are other minor varieties which may be of interest to socio-linguists and linguistic anthropologists.

When I visited Uganda again, I attended a conference on ethnicity and political processes in the Great Lakes Region at the Uganda Martyrs University, Nkozi in Mpigi District, Buganda Kingdom. After the conference was over, I spent a couple of days in Kampala to catch-up with academic trends at the famous Makerere University’s Institute of Languages. I also wanted to see my old-teacher Austin Lwanga Bukenya of the Department of Literature and request him to introduce me to any member of staff with an interest in Dho-Luo, Lep-Luo/Lwo (the Luo language(s) and its variants, whatever the case may be?).

He himself is a Muganda, but I call him a true East African because of his many years of study and teaching in the three “territories” of the East African Community at the following institutions: Makerere University, Uganda; University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania and Kenyatta University, Nairobi, Kenya (where he taught me Theory of Literature and Language Use) many years ago.

Mwalimu Bukenya, as we fondly refer to him in language/literature circles in Kenya, made arrangements for me to meet a brilliant scholar in the Institute of Languages, Makerere University, Kampala. Her name is Jane Frances Alowo. I discussed at length with her how scholars with an interest in Luo studies (language, literature and culture) can collaborate across the three territories of East Africa. It was agreed that some kind of forum of Luo studies would be ideal. The process of operationalization of this noble idea has been rather slow but the goodwill does exist in abundance. During our discussions, we noted that Makerere University has already initiated degree courses in Lwo (their variant of our Luo) which consists of several “rich dialects” spoken by the: Acholi, Lango, Padhola, Alur and Kumam. Because Dho-Luo is spoken in several Eastern African countries, Makerere University’s Institute of Languages has categorized it as “an important regional language”

The Bachelor of Arts (Lwo languages) concentrates on linguistics, literature, culture, translation, mass media, materials development, editing/publishing, teaching, research, development communication, lexicography, and creative writing. They adopt an interactive and cross-cultural approach which also caters for non-native speakers of Luo language(s). I sincerely believe that my dream and that of Ms Alowo of establishing a body to bring together researchers/scholars in Luo language(s), literature(s) and culture(s) in Eastern Africa will materialise one day.

While in Kampala, I was walking along the streets with two colleagues, Oriare Nyarwath of the Department of Philosophy, University of Nairobi and an American Fulbright scholar Gail Presbey of the Department of Philosophy, University of Detroit - Mercy.

We were looking for a place to have lunch. A middle-aged man of dark complexion approached me with a broad smile and then greeted me. He was speaking in Lep-Acholi and asked about my well being. Both Nyarwath and Presbey were amused as they watched the unfolding scenario. The middle-aged man from Acholiland insisted that I was one of his relatives and we had to met before at the Mulago Referral Hospital in Kampala when we both allegedly went to pay a visit to another Acholi patient there. Of course, I had never done that: It was definitely a case of mistaken identity!

He asked me which part of Acholiland I hailed from. I told him I was a Luo from Kenya and not Uganda. But we were still brothers - I acknowledged.

He then apoligised profusely but insisted that I looked like a Luo from Uganda. (Of course, other Ugandans had said I looked like a Musoga, Musamia, Muganda (from Mpigi?), Munyoro and all).

Let me tell you something, Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania should hasten the political federation... now that President Mwai Kibaki of Kenya a graduate of Makerere University, President Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania and President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni of Uganda, both graduates of the University of Dar es Salaam are working together as the highest authority to foster greater unity of the three East African territories.

Like my teacher of long long ago, Bukenya, I am a true East African. When I returned to Kenya, I decided to visit Maseno University in Nyanza Province which is the home of Luo speaking people. I had heard about their degree programmes in Luo when I was visiting Makerere University, Kampala. I met Owen McOnyango of the Department of African Languages, Maseno University who told me that he shared Ngugi wa Thiongo’s sentiments about our “national languages” which should be given due attention in Kenyan universities, colleges and schools. I learnt that Maseno University offers a Bachelor of Arts (Dho-Luo) Programme with emphasis on: linguistics, literature and culture. The programme is to a large degree similar to the one offered by the Institute of Languages, Makerere University Kampala.

What is the University of Nairobi waiting for?

Another interesting experience I had of the Luo speakers in Ethiopia was a couple of years ago when I was attending an African philosophy conference at University of Addis Ababa.

One day, as we were walking into the university campus, through the main gate, we noticed that there was tight security and everyone was being screened. We were told that there had been unrest at the campus because of ethnic-fighting. I was in the company of Pamela Abuya, a tutor in the Department of Philosophy at Moi University, Eldoret, Kenya.

After we had been screened and allowed into the campus, we noticed a tall young man of very dark complexion walking majestically ahead. Most Ethiopian students were of very light complexion, so this student attracted my attention and vice versa. We soon struck rapport.

Pamela was rather amused. She commented that I had a knack for identifying Luo people outside our home country, Kenya. This tall young man asked where we were from. I told him we were Luos from Nyanza Province in Kenya. He got quite interested and told us that he was also a Luo (of Anywak extraction) from Gambella Province in Western Ethiopian. His name was Ojulu Ojulu and he was an education student at the University of Addis Ababa.

Pamela and I were quite excited to meet an Ethiopian Luo bearing the name Ojulu. Pamela told the young man that there was a place in Kisumu District, Kenya known as Kojulu which means Ojulu’s place. The young Ethiopian Luo must have been impressed. We told him that we did not have enough time to visit Gambella Province, where he came from. Ojulu said next time we were visiting Ethiopia, we should visit the Anywak (Ethiopian Luos) so that we could “madho kuon” together. Kuon is the staple Anywak diet. Pamela and I tried to “correct” him unsuccessfully that one does not “madho” but “chamo kuon” as far as Kenyan Luos are concerned. Kuon is our staple Luo diet of stiff porridge common in most African countries.

In Kenyan Luo, chamo means to eat whereas madho means to drink. One thing is clear: Whether one chamos or madhos kuon makes little difference. The stuff ends up in your stomach. I guess the Kenyan and Ethiopian Luos are both right: Both chamo and madho refer to ingestion or drink.

In January 1995, I visited the United Republic of Tanzania on a research project sponsored by the Canadian International Development Research Centre. My tour took me to the Eastern and Southern African Management Institute (ESAMI) in Arusha as a guest of the late Prof Peter Gufwoli (A Maragoli from Kenya) of the University of Dar es Salaam, in the Eastern Coastal City of Dar es Salaam and to Musoma and Tarime districts in the Mara Region on the shores of Lake Victoria.

My ongoing research interest for several years has been: Traditional Knowledge and Sustainable development-A case Study of Women Farmers in the Lake Region of Kenya and Tanzania.

When I was in both Arusha and Dar es Salaam, I met some Tanzanian Luo speakers. One day, in the Coastal city of Dar es Salaam, I was seated in a restaurant having a cold drink.

Two men were boisterously discussing in Dho-Luo at the next table. For a moment, I thought was in Kisumu, Kenya. I then introduced myself to them: “Awinjo ka uwacho dhok ma ang’eyo; un Jo-Luo mao Kenya koso Tanzania?”(I have heard you speak a language I also know; are you Kenyan or Tanzania Luos?) One of them responded: “Wan Jo-Luo ma Tanzania maa Butegi; pok ne wanyono Kenya gi tiendwa nyaka ne nywolwa!” (We are Tanzanian Luos from a place called Butegi; we have never set foot on Kenyan soil ever since we were born!)

It was quite amazing that the dialect they spoke was exactly the same as the one I speak. They then inquired about my mission in Tanzania. I told them that I was a lecturer in linguistics at the University of Nairobi and my research interest was oral tradition of the Luo speakers in both Kenya and Tanzania. I would be flying to Mara Region in a couple of days to make contacts there for the purpose of the research project.

These two Luos from Wategi (Butegi) asked me where exactly I came from in Kenya. I told them that my home was in Kamagambo near Rongo Town. When they heard this, they told me to feel free and pay a courtesy call on their families in Butegi in North Mara Region. They also told me that Wategi people and Kamagambo people were related. It was not possible for me to visit those good Wategi people. I, however, managed to visit Musoma Town. I took a domestic flight from Oar es Salaam via Arush to Musoma on the shores of Lake Victoria. I met a number of American Catholic Missionaries working in the Mara Region; I also met some members of the famous Odemba Kagose Family; they are well known for their traditional healing in Tanzania. An American Catholic priest I met in Musoma Town asked me which part of Tanzania I hailed from for he assumed I was a Tanzanian Luo. I told him I was from Kamagambo - Rongo in Kenya. Then he said in Luo, rather surprised: “A ne aparo ni in Ja-Luo ma Tanzania.” (I though you are a Luo from Tanzania.) The American priest who had lived among the Luo people of Kowak in Tanzania since the 1940s told me a most interesting thing about the migration and settlement of the Luo people. He reckoned that: “There are two very powerful ethnic groups in Eastern Africa, namely; the Luo and the Sukuma. One wonders what would have happened, had the European colonialists not stopped the Northward migration of the Sukuma and the Southward migration of the Luo... nobody really knows what would have happened.”

Well, the comments from that American Catholic priest who has acculturated himself among the Luo speaking people of Northern Tanzania have puzzled me to date. He then went on: “What is your research on?” I told him: Traditional Knowledge and Sustainable Development-A Case Study of Women Farmers in the Lake Region of Kenya and Tanzania.

His comment concerning Luo women in Tanzania was that they are not as powerless as Western feminist scholars would wish to have us believe. He went on:

“Mond Luo ni kod teko ahinya... Inyalo dhiyo e dala moro to iparo ni mond Luo ok wuo mathoth but welo kendo gi onge kod teko to mano ok en adieri... gin kod teko ma opondo kendo ka gi (mond Luo) onge to gik moko ok nyal timore. Mond Luo gin kod teko mathoth miwuoro e dala.“ (Luo women have a lot of power. You may visit a home and think that because Luo women don’t talk a lot in the presence of guests and that they are powerless but that is not true...they have hidden power and without them (Luo women) then nothing would go on. Luo women have overwhelming power in the home.)

That was of course the impression of an American Catholic priest working among the Luo speaking people in Tanzania over many years. He had been a participant - observer and presided over many religious matters touching on Luo family life during that long period of being acculturated in Mara Region of Tanzania. He arranged for my accommodation at Kowak Catholic Mission where the cook - a Luo by the name Ochieng’ Jeje - fried excellent ngege (tilapia) which I ate with kuon. While at Kowak, I paid a courtesy call on the local Member of Parliament for Roria Constituency in the Tanzanian National Assembly. His name is the Hon Ayila Oyombe. He was very hospitable to me, together with his family. When he learnt that I hailed from Kamagambo - Rongo, he was most pleased because his two wives (who are sisters) are from the Kodero-Bara clan in Kamagambo. They treated me not as a stranger but as a relative.

The Luo people of Tanzania are very jolly! They welcomed me with a lot of ease. One time in the streets of Musoma, I saw a tired man near the market sleeping on his wheelbarrow after a long days’ work. He was waiting for customers with their loads of merchandise to be pushed to some destination.Though he was a stranger to me, I thought he had all the features of a Luo. I tapped the wheelbarrow and he woke-up from his slumber with a start. I then made the first move and greeted him:

“idhi nade?" (how are you?)

With a broad smile - six lower teeth removed - he answered:

“Adhi maber ahinya, Ondiegi.”(I’m quite well, Ondiegi (hyenas)!)

The nickname Ondiegi is the plural form of Ondiek (meaning hyena). So, in Tanzania a stranger nicknamed me Mr Hyena for the benefit of English speakers) because I dared wake him up from his siesta and yet I had no work for him. We later parted company, but both of us were happy about the phatic communication of two “familiar” strangers separated by the Berlin Conference of 1884-5; this particular man, a Tanzanian and I, a Kenyan could communicate at a very deep level!

My contacts in Mara Region with the Luo speaking peoples there left no doubt in my mind that the colonial boundaries are arbitrary and meaningless to our African peoples all over the continent. I wish to share two anecdotes of Nigerians who shared some conversation with me concerning Eastern Africa.

The first one was an Igbo teaching English at a Nigerian University. We met at the University of Aston in Birmingham, England where we were both postgraduate students in the Language Studies Unit; we both lived at Vauxhall Court, Gosta Green, in the Centre of Birmingham, the Big Heart of England. Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere was retiring as President of the United Republic of Tanzania at the time, so the Nigerian asked me: “What are Kenyans going to do now that Mwalimu Julius Nyerere is retiring as President?”

I looked at the Nigerian with surprise, but he pressed-on with his question rather boisterously. Then I told him: “Kenyans will do nothing now that Mwalimu Julius Nyerere is retiring as President.”

A while later, General Buhari and his team overthrew the civilian government of Shehu Shagari in the Federal Republic of Nigeria. As we were speculating about what the future held for Africa’s most-populous country, I told my Nigerian friend: “Nigeria was a great country during the rule of President Kwame Nkrumah. However, things have gone from bad to worse after the overthrow of President Kwame Nkurumah...”

My Nigerian friend was infuriated. He looked not just surprised but horrified. Then he quipped: “Ha! Look at this ignorant Kenyan. Don’t you know that Kwame Nkrumah was the President of Ghana and not Nigeria?

Ha! Don’t you know that Ghana is not even a neighbour of Nigeria? Ha! Don’t you know that there is Togo and Benin between Ghana and Nigeria?”

Then my turn came:

Ha! Look at this ignorant Nigerian. Don’t you know that Mwalimu Julius Nyerere was the President of the United Republic of Tanzania and not the Republic of Kenya?

Ha! Don’t you know that Mzee Jomo Kenyatta was the first President of independent Kenya and that he died in 1978?

Ha! Don’t you know that President Daniel arap Moi took over from the late Mzee Jomo Kenyatta?

My Nigerian friend quipped:

“Ha! How do you expect me to know all those details about Kenya, Tanzania, East Africa and all that?” Then I quipped:

“Ha! And how did you expect me to know that Nigeria and Ghana don’t share a common border; and that there is Benin and Togo in between?

“Ha! And how did you expect me to know that Kwame Nrumah was not the first President of Nigeria and of Ghana?”

While I was visiting the Mara Region near Lake Victoria, I recalled what the Nigerian said about Mwalimu Nyerere when he was retiring and what Kenyans would do about it! Well, his home village in Butiama is in Mara Region and is not far from the Kenyan border... about two hours drive from my home town of Rongo. But that is a detail I don’t expect my Igbo friend from Nigeria to know.

Another anecdote I wish to share is about another Nigerian (an anthropologist) I met at the Uganda Martyrs University, Nkozi when we were attending a conference on ethnicity and politics in the Great Lakes Region of Africa. He asked:

“Why is Uganda called a landlocked country?”

Someone answered: "Because Ugandans do not have a direct route to the sea; they have to go through Kenya or Tanzania.”

Then the Nigerian asked:

“And all that water from Lake Victoria flowing into the River Nile, where does it go to?”

Another person answered:

“All that water flows out of Lake Victoria into River Nile out of Uganda into the Sudan, Egypt and the Mediterranean Sea in the Northern Coast of Africa.”

The Nigerian anthropologist then went on:

“Are there other big rivers which flow into Lake Victoria and Uganda from other countries?”

And yet another person answered: “Oh, yes! There are several big and small rivers from neighbouring countries which drain into Uganda via Lake Victoria.”

Then the Nigerian anthropologist quipped:

“Ha! I thought you people said that Uganda is a landlocked country! And yet you have just told me that so much water out of other rivers pours into Lake Victoria and out of the same lake into Uganda out again through River Nile into the Mediterranean Sea. Do you peopie still want to call Uganda a landlocked country? Or do you want to re-define a landlocked country?”

All those present could not but help having a good laugh. This great Nigerian anthropologist who wants us to redefine a landlocked country is called Dr IVO Modo, a Christian from the Delta State of Nigeria who has taught anthropology at the University of Uyo (UNIYO) and Uthman Dan Fodio University, Sokoto. He believes with Samuel Simile that:

“Of all things that man can make on earth below, by far the most momentous, wonderful and worthy are the things we call books.” He has written many anthropological works.

Dr Modo also believes that: “Uganda should simply refuse to be called a landlocked country anybody given the amount of water it contributes to the international waterways.”

Did you know that the word for nation in Kenyan Luo is Oganda which also means multitude?

When it is a populous nation the Kenyan Luo talk of Oganda Makwar (the red multitude). I wonder what my Baganda friends like Austin Bukenya thinks about the etymology of the topbnymn/ethnonymn Buganda/Baganda. Could there have been borrowing/loaning of the word Oganda/Baganda through language and cultural contact? The anthropological issue is open to both research and debate.

Back to Nyanza Province in Kenya, it is noteworthy that the Church Missionary Society founded the Maseno School in 1906 under the Oseno tree which is preserved to date. The school later lent its name to the University next door.

The name Maseno is derived from the Luo botanical name Oseno (sand paper tree). The scientific name is cordia ovalis; its rough leaves are used as sandpaper. The word Oseno in Kenyan Luo means to polish (furniture); to make smooth; to make clean; to remove rough surface. Here lies the origin of the name Maseno meaning: yien mar seno, meaning: the tree whose tough leaves are used for polishing, smoothening or cleaning furniture. Incidentally, both my father and I went to Maseno School, but at different times of course.

It was at the Maseno School where none other than the missionary-educator AW Mayor published Thuond Luo in1938. He intended the stories to be used in Luo medium schools. Indeed, the book was used all over Luo Nyanza before and after independence from British rule. It was at Maseno School where, symbolically, the Church Missionary Society educators were to venture into the enterprise of seno (polishing) the African children through by teaching them reading, writing arithmetic and the Bible. The missionary-educator AW Mayor had a word of caution on how the book should be treated. He wrote:

Luo:

Nite weche mang’eny mag bilo, dhiyo ajuoga, ura ng’ato kod moko ma kamagi. Magi to Jo-Kristo ok nyal yie: gin mana para apara. Pinje duto nitie sigendini ma kamagi, to ok ji yie ni gin adier. Japuonj kosomo kod nyithindo, owinjore anyisgi ni imago duto gin weche ma nono.”

(There are many issues on magic, consulting witchdoctors, bewitchment, and so on. Christians cannot agree with these issues but must dismiss them as mere imagination. Countries all over the world have legendary stories but many people do not agree they are true. Nevertheless, we still enjoy reading them, and traditionally they are regarded as true. When reading with pupils in class, a teacher should make it clear that these stories may not necessarily be true.)

It is not clear why the missionary - educator AW Mayor did not include the many gallant worriors in Karachuonyo of the Kogweno clan especially Onyango Oganyo of Kital. This is the same family tree of Luo paramount leader Ker Paulo Mbuya who authored Luo: Kitgi Gi Timbegi Luo traditions and customs in 1938.

I m sure all so-called modern (or is it post-modern) Luo people and other non-Luo people who could not read these legendary narratives because of language barrier will now enjoy reading my translation but keep in mind the advise of missionary- educator AW Mayor of Church Missionary Society that we should not allow them to interfere with our Christian faith, for those of us who are followers of Jesus Christ of Nazareth.

The job of a translator is not to engage in debating the truth or falsity of the claims in legendary stories or narratives. That is left to the literary critics or interpreters or discourse analysists of the meaning and purposes of the narratives. Social psychologists, Ethnographers and Missiologists may also want to do some analysis with the texts. I am sure oral historians and folklorists would not wish to be left out. I leave that to them, and any other interested party.

As for me, it is my belief that translating the 18 legendary stories collected by missionary-educator AW Mayor is a contribution which will enable a larger readership to access the Luo legends.

I wish to throw a challenge at younger scholars like Vincent Robert Okungu who was my student of linguistics and anthropology at the University of Nauirobi to venture into the study of African languages, literature and cultures and to more translations to make such works accessible.

It was Prof William R Ochieng of Maseno University, also a former Permanent Secretary (Policy Analysis and Research) in the Office of the President in the Government of ex- President of Kenya Daniel arap Moi who wrote a letter to me in late 1980’s and challenged me to translate Thuond Luo. He was not sure whether Thuon which translates as Hero or Legend. I have settled for legend instead of hero after Kenyans were treated to the debacle of Ethiopian Ato Lema Ayannu touted by some journalists and politicians as General Stanley Mathenge, an alleged Mau Mau war “hero.”) Kenyans are publicly and privately debating the meaning of the word “hero,” I have chosen not to engage in that debate although I have noted that the Agikuyu of Central Kenya said of Raila Amollo Odinga: “Ino niyo Njamba!!”(This is the true Hero!). The Agikuyu must be very serious about this.

The writer is a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of African Studies University of Nairobi. hjojwang@yahoo.com

There May Not Be a Country Called Ethiopia After Meles

Fri, 28 Apr 2006 05:00:00 GMT

By Magn Nyang*

April 27, 2006 — There was no country called Ethiopia before Minelik’s rule. In fact, the word “Ethiopia” came from Greek, meaning “burned faces.” “Ethio” means burned and “pia” means faces.

Passing through the North, the Arab part of Africa, Europeans saw people with burned faces, meaning dark face people, living below Sahara desert. There fore, they referred to every one that was living below Sahara desert as “Ethiopian.” Today’s Ethiopia inhabitants were among the “burned face” people they referred to. In this land, so called Ethiopia today, there were ethnic groups who lived independently from each other. While the Oromo people lived in the East, the central, and the West, the Anuak and the Amahara people lived in the West and the North respectively. However, when Minelik came to power, he invaded Oromo’s, Anuak’s, Gurage’s and every other non-Amhara land. After the invasion, Minelik combined what was called Abyssinia with the new territories and named them “Ethiopia.” The irony part was that a man, who had claimed to have been a descendent of king Solomon of Israel, would take upon him a name that was meant for all” dark faced people” living below Sahara desert. Any how, Minelik consolidated his power over those territories and ruled for years before passing the throne to his cousin Haile Selessie.

Emperor Haile Selessie followed his cousin’s foot steps by only collecting taxes from the new territories, not wanting to have anything to do with the inhabitants of those territories. Both Minelik and Haile Selessie were more interested in the new territories’ wealth than the people in those territories. Then, came their distant cousin by the name of Mangistu Haile Mariam. Mangistu was a nationalist, who loved his country so much that he lost focus on how to lead. He was more of a country lover than a leader or a politician.

Out of his love for his country; Mangistu even went out of his way to educate the forgotten tribes. He built roads, schools, and hospitals for those who where forgotten or ignored by his predecessors. Mangistu failed to recognize the fact that so called “Ethiopia” was artificially manufactured by Minelik and Haile Selessie (in the Eritrea case). He led with an iron fist, trying to hold together a country that was not meant to stay united. Mengistu learned his lesson the hard way in May 1991. He fled the country and a year later, Eritrea became an independent country.

Back in Addis, the new guys in town were led by a college dropout named Legasse/Meles Zenawi. Up on its arrival in Addis, the EPDRF, led by Meles announced that it came to liberate the oppressed. As the chairman of the EPDRF, Meles promised the oppressed two years of transition governance. However, Meles still is the president of Ethiopia fourteen years after the promise. In the last fourteen years, we came to see Meles’ true color. Meles used imprisonment and mass murder to intimidate his opponents and to stay in power.

Let me now discuss Meles’ regime differences from his predecessors.

While Minelik and Haile Selassie were feudalists, Mengistu was a socialist. The former two led a very centralized governments that benefited only their own families and their own tribesmen by large. There is not much to say about these two, for they did not leave any historical significance as far as I am concerned. On the other hand, Mengistu reached out to the ignored and the forgotten people. Being the nationalist that he was, Mengistu was determined to keep the country unified with one strong central government. He forced the majority and the minority, the privileged and the under privileged, and the rulers and the ruled to stay united. This mistake (forcing an artificial unification on different ethnic groups without first ensuring their equality) led to his demise. Having said all of these, Mengistu deserved some credits for expending hospitals (clinic) services and education opportunities to the forgotten people.

Unlike his predecessors, Meles is a very intelligent politician. He knows how to manipulate things to his advantage. His major difference from his three predecessors is his introduction of article 39. According to this article every nation, nationality and people in Ethiopia has an unconditional right to self-determination, including the right to secession. In doing so, Meles became the first leader in Ethiopia’s history to introduce such an article in the constitution and he deserves some credit to his name.

However, as we all witness in the last fourteen years, article 39 turnout to be just a symbol on the constitution papers. It was not put to practice. Meles does not only stop the regions from running their own affairs, he also hand picks the leaders. For example, in the last three elections, Gambellian voted and elected independent candidates. However, Meles rejected all three and handpicked his own stooges to become regional governors. According to him, only candidates that are connected to EPDRF are fit to lead.

There are few positive things worth mentioning about Meles’ regime when it comes to minorities. Even though, Meles handpicks regional governors (in Gambella case), his picks are all from local ethnic groups. His predecessors did not bother to pick from local ethnic groups. They considered non-Northern to be inferiors and therefore, incapable of leading themselves. They always sent one of their own from the North to lead non-Northern.

Meles also allowed regional schools to teach local languages to their children. Today, unlike me, all my younger brothers and sisters can read and write in Anuak. For somebody like me, who grew up during Mengistu’s regime, reading and writing in Anuak was just a day dream. In pre-Meles Ethiopia, Amharic language and culture was imposed on all Ethiopians. In fact, to be considered pure Ethiopian, one must not only speak Amharic, but also has to change his/her name to an Amhara name (some of my Oromo friends will testify to this). I remember riding a taxi or a bus in Addis Ababa during Mengistu and not even a day have I heard Oromenya been spoken in taxis or buses. How ever, as soon as Meles’ forces took over Addis Ababa, Oromenya resurfaced and I started hearing Oromenya in taxis or buses. That was due to what I would like to call “freedom of languages” implemented by Meles’ regime early on.

Regardless of the things I said above, I am not anti-one national language. After all, every successful country has one national language. I only said what I said to just emphasized how pre-Meles regimes repressed other languages in favor of Amharic. Other countries such as Kenya did not repress other languages in favor of the national language. Every tribe was allowed to speak its own language freely and yet Kenyans have one national language.

My recommendations for the survival of Ethiopia.

As we all read in the compression part of this article, both Mengistu and Meles have done few good things for Ethiopians as a whole, not for just the privileged. There fore, it is only natural for the next leader to do better than these two. Bellow, are my recommendations:

In the next Ethiopia, ultimate governing authority must be divided between the national government and regional governments. In other word, article 39 must be put to practice.

The regions must be protected constitutionally from unwarranted interference in their local affairs. The national government needs to only take responsibility for establishing a strong defense and promote a sound economy, while the regions retain all other governing functions, including oversight of public morals (social services), and safety.

Tyranny of the majority (the potential of a majority to monopolize power for its own gain and to the detriment of minority rights and interests) must cease and last, but not the least,

The next Ethiopian government must make peace with Eritrea. Any future leader of Ethiopia must come to realization that the wellbeing of Ethiopia depends on peace with its neighbors, including Eritrea. There are political parties, including the CUD, that are already beating the drums of war with Eritrea to reclaim Aseb’s port by force. My advice to any political party that wants to go to war with Eritrea over a port is that, you pick a fight; you fight it alone. We the Gambellians, and I am also sure, the Oromo people, will no longer be deceived to take part in any fighting with Eritrea. Any attempt to regain the use of Aseb’s port by next Ethiopian government must be carried out only by brotherly negotiations with our Eritrean brothers. Let us not forget that before 1998 war between the two countries, Ethiopia had full access to Aseb’s port with the blessing of Eritrean government. There fore, I don’t see any reason that will prevent the two countries from going back to pre-1998 relationship once we get rid of Meles’ regime.

In conclusion, I would like to say that any thing less than the above recommendations will be a recipe for a disaster. If the next Ethiopian regime is going to be like the previous ones, with a centralized power in Addis Ababa, groups (GPLM/A, OLF) that are waging armed struggle now to get rid of Meles’ regime are not going to be part of it. These groups are fighting against centralization and for self-determination. There fore, for the sake of keeping Ethiopia intact (keeping it from being split into pieces), the next regime should have a decentralized government. Otherwise, this country called Ethiopia, will be split into small countries and some one, I don’t know who yet, will take the blame.

Back to no country named Ethiopia after Meles’ regime

Sunday 7 May 2006.

This is a response to all the responses I got on my article: “There may not be a country named Ethiopia after Meles’ regime.”

By Magn Nyang *

May 7, 2006 — I received lots of negatives as well as positive responses from concerned Ethiopians on my article. This is positive. It shows that there are some Ethiopians out there who are very much concerned about keeping Ethiopia intact. In another word, it is nice to see that there are Ethiopians out there who do not want to see this country disintegrated.

Keeping Ethiopia from disintegration was my main reason for writing the article. I made my recommendations to alert my fellow citizens about an impending possible disintegration if the next Ethiopian leaders act like the previous ones. Some fellow citizens misinterpreted my main idea and accused me of advocating disintegration. I do not wish disintegration for Ethiopia. However, I do believe that one monopoly party with centralized governance like Mengistu’s or Meles’ regime will cause Ethiopia to disintegrate. Let it be known, this is just my own opinion. It may not turnout this way. I am just making a prediction.

While I was praised by those who understood my main point in my article, I was also called names such as “sellout” and “baria” by those who missed my point. It is a shame that there are still fellow Ethiopians with primitive mindset in the 21st century. This is a time for civilized debates, not for name calling. Calling me names won’t make me less Ethiopian and won’t solve Ethiopia’s problems either. Name calling such as “baria” will only satisfy ones primitive impulses (emotion and anger). It won’t do any thing to elevate Ethiopia’s problems. We will only solve Ethiopia’s problems if we start to debate our disagreements in a civilized manner. How can we make progress as a nation if the only thing we do is resort to pre-civilization name calling such as “baria” when we disagree with each others opinions?

What surprised me the most was that, the same individuals who claimed that all Ethiopians should stick together and keep the country intact, were the ones who used derogatory words against me. How can we make one Ethiopia if some citizens are considered “baria?” Am I not one of the Ethiopians they want to stick together with to keep Ethiopia from breaking up? The following is a quote from one of the respondents: “Magn Nyang, you are uneducated baria and you deserve to die, you do not know any thing about Ethiopia history, Ethiopia was there before Meles and is going to be there after Meles, and we, the Amhara people and the rest of Ethiopians are going to have democracy.” To me this response sounds stupid. How can this man talk about democracy in Ethiopia if he wants me dead already for voicing my own opinion on the future of Ethiopia? Isn’t democracy about free speech?

If we, the civilized Ethiopians, allow the likes of the man I quoted above to take over Ethiopia, we will regret it. This is a barbaric man who will kill those who have different opinions from his. We do not need to have this man or his likes to get involve in the future of Ethiopians politics. That is if we want one Ethiopia. The future Ethiopia must be free of dictators. A man with this kind of mindset is not only dangerous for Ethiopia, but also dangerous for the whole continent of Africa.

For those who accused me of hatred toward Amhara tribe, I would love to assure them that I do not hate Amhara people (those who know me personally will testify to this). In fact, some of my best friends are from Amhara. My comment about Amhara rulers was not meant as an attack on Amhara people as a whole. However, I won’t miss this opportunity to lend my advice to my fellow Ethiopians, the Amhara. I single out this particular tribe because if not all, most of the name callings I received on my article came from Amhara respondents. I like to say that some Amhara individuals need to catch-up with the changing world. It is bad enough that Amhara has already lost its political position in Ethiopia and you don’t want to make it even worse by antagonizing the minorities, such as the Anuaks (Gambelians). How can you sing one Ethiopia song day and night and at the same time trying to push away the minorities by looking down upon them? In today’s diplomacy world, you need others to be on your side to achieve your dream of one great Ethiopia. You will not achieve your dream of one Ethiopia if you don’t let go your primitive ego.

At this point and time, it is in Amhara’s best interest to work hard to convince minorities about the benefits of one Ethiopia and yet, there are some Amhara out there still holding to their primitive superiority mind. Let me be the first to tell you, if you didn’t realized yet, you are not superior to any one, be it minorities or dark skinned people like the Anuaks. In fact, according to the White men, you are not even white as you foolishly believe; you are just another “nigger” just like me. Do not foolishly deceive yourselves into believing that you are some thing that you are not. Wake up and join the rest of the world where “people are judged by the content of their deeds, not by the color of their skins” as you foolishly believe. Your ancestors might have believed that they were superior to other Ethiopians and it was ok for them to believe that way because they were primitive. However, a 21st century modern Amhara should know better not to follow his/her ancestor’s primitive ideology. Modern Amhara has traveled and seen the world and how it works, whereas, pre-modern Amhara ancestors were limited only to their small villages. They did not travel to see that former secretary of state Collin Powel is a black man. On the contrary, you, the modern Amhara, has traveled or has witnessed through modern media that Collin Powel is indeed a black man. Therefore, there is no need for the modern Amhara, who has seen the world and greatly benefited from today’s technology to still think that he is superior to others. Unless of course, he/she is deceiving him/herself.

In conclusion, I would like to say that Ethiopia belongs to its all 87 tribes. Not just to the few. All 87 tribes have an equal right to voice their opinions on the future of Ethiopia without being chastised by those who claim to own Ethiopia. All future decisions on Ethiopia are going to be made by all Ethiopians through debates and negotiations. Therefore, it is only appropriate that we start to debate our difference in a civilized manner in anticipation of Meles’ departure. We can’t afford being caught unprepared when Meles leaves. Finally, I want to say thanks to those concerned Ethiopians who understood my main point in my article and I promise you will hear a lot from me in our struggle for better Ethiopia for all.

* The writer can be contacted by writing to magnnyang@yahoo.com

Ethiopia Needs a New Political Arrangement, Not a Leader

Tue, 28 Mar 2006 06:00:00 GMT

By Apee Ojulu Mar 28, 2006 —
In “Mother Ethiopia is Crying for a Leader,” Sudantribune.com/March 26, 2006 Biadeglegne Tesfaye articulates the need for a leader to lead Ethiopia. Unfortunately, his hope for the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) to produce that leader, replace the ruling Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF) and deliver the country to a promised land is anything but a fanatic dream. The political parties and leaders that created CUD intended only to restore past Amhare Empire in Ethiopia. The Ethiopian Democratic League (EDL); All Ethiopian Unity Party (AEUP); United Ethiopian Democratic Party-Medhin Party (UEDPMP) and Rainbow Ethiopia: Movement for Democracy and Social Justice (REMDSJ) all intend to restore Amharo Empire (See Reference 1). These four parties shared two common goals that were to take power and restore Amhare Empire. They anchored these ideas in the CUD to reconstitute an Amhara centralized Ethiopia through three specific political programs.

First, CUD leaders plan to amend Article 39 of the Ethiopian to reassert Amhare grip on power in the country. Article 39 grants citizens in each regional state of Ethiopia the exclusive rights to elect their own representatives to local assemblies and national parliament, the rights to govern their region, control their resources and teach their own languages in their respective schools in their regional states (see reference 2). CUD leaders detest Article 39 very much for precisely because it weaken Amhara control over other Ethiopians, by placing Amhara language and culture as secondary respectively in each regional state. Their leader, Hailu Shawils, the chairman of CUD, asserts in an interview with Robert Wiren, “We believe in the unity of Ethiopia and not in article 39” (see reference 3). Shawils intends to take away Article 39 and replace it with direct rule. Direct rule CUD intends to recreate means an Amhara from far north of Ethiopia who never had any contact with, say, Binshangul Gumuz region would be appointed to govern Binshangul Gumuz and this Amhara would expect the local population to follow his policies without resistance like predecessor governors Menlike, Haile-Selassie, and Mengistu Haile Mariam sent that led only to domination of non-Amhara and non-Tigrean ethnic groups.

Second, CUD leaders plan to prevent Ethiopians from converting to Islam, and discriminate against those Ethiopians who are already Muslims. CUD key leaders have described growing conversion among some Ethiopian communities to Islam as a threat to the Ethiopia Orthodox Christian character, and repeatedly they say they would never tolerate a new religions taking over Ethiopia. Many Ethiopians, mainly Oromos and other oppressed ethnic groups, these CUD are talking about converted to Islam as a way out from the domination of Amhare and their cousins, Tigeres. By embracing on an attempt to prevent Ethiopians from converting to their own religions of their choice, the CUD stands ready to discriminate against Ethiopians who are now Muslims, either directly or indirectly through policy choices.

Last, CUD leaders plan to reopen the issue of the Eritrean port, Assab, meaning they still question the independence of Eritrea. CUD leaders remain adamantly opposed to the idea that Eritrea took its port of Assab and willing to recover the port by whatever mean necessary. Yet CUD leaders’ intention to do whatever necessary to recovery Assab is an imperialism venture, and brings only a destructive war which definitely marginalized ethnic groups in Ethiopia would shoulder as is often the case in hours of need, by being forcefully sent to front lines as were the case during the Ogeda war with Somalia, Eritrea war of independent and past wars.

In addition to three programs CUD leaders plan to implement, Amhare region, CUD’s political base, sent Emperors Menelik, Emperor Selassise and Colonel Mengistu Halie Mariam in the past to rule the country and they, in turn, built an Amhare Empire over other nationalities. These leaders implemented policies that were “characterized by hierarchic social stratification and authoritarian tradition,” as Abiyu Geleta rightly observed (See Reference 4). These Amahro social stratified the entire society where the Amhare was the rulers and other ethnic groups that made up the majority the ruled population. Each Amhare leader brutally extended these systems of internal imperialism over nationalities within the country to centralize the state in the Amhar-centric state. Emperor Menelik and his predecessor, Emperor Selassie tried to “Amharaziation” the entire population to erase the national question in the minds of many nationals within the Empire. Each of these leaders, Mariam and Selassie, used different strategies to implement this domination over other nationalities but they tried, as Edmond Keller observes, to erase “national question.” Mariam, at least publicly, adopted a “scientific socialism” approach as way to solve this pressing national question (See Reference 5).

All in all, each of these regimes, though different in characters, tried to build an Amhara-centric Ethiopia state. Amhare revisionist intellectuals like Tesfay and their intellectual allies elsewhere paint a different picture about these leaders then their actual pictures. These revisionist intellectuals made two arguments. Some argue that Menelik, Salessie and Mengistus did their best most for the country during their times, and other argue that they were dictators that their rules did not benefit Amhare region or people. The tendency toward separation among nationalities within the country or instability is the fault of Meles Zenawi and his TPLF. These revisionist intellectuals are arguing tendency toward separation in the country lies on the leadership of Meles Zenawi and his advisors in the TPLF, because they have dissolved power to the regions that are not now able to exercise it effectively, but to destroy the unity of the country with.

It is true that Meles and his advisers in TPLF have committed a lot of crimes against all nations in Ethiopia. Thus no doubt that Zenawi has done his part to increase the tension in the country. He had authorized his military forces to commit genocide/ massacres in Gambella, Sidama, Ogeada, Beni Shaugi, and Oromia. In final analysis, however, he is not totally responsible for division to the level that Amhare revisionist intellectuals claim he is- that Meles is the only person responsible. Amharo past rulers were the ones implanted ills in the country by building a hegemonic political structure that privileged Amhare in culture, politics, economic and social the past Amhare rulers created that now CUD intend to replicate.

In sum, CUD is not more a democratic political party compared to the current Meles Zenwai’s regime. In fact, CUD is more extreme than the Zenwai’s regime is and, if is to take power, its policies would more extreme policies than Zenwai’s. Thus, for the sake of economic development and peace for all nations inside Ethiopia, each nation in the country should be allowed to choose either separation or create some union with other nations within the country and outside. The current Ethiopia state is a mess and we should not continue to pretend like CUD and other unionists continue to do that the mess in Ethiopia right now can be cleared up and reformed. Ethiopia has existed for over two thousand years of Ethiopia state and the current mess existed through out these years.

References

http://www.sidamaconcern.com/articles/abiyu.htm

Coalition for Unity and Democracy
Ethiopian Constitution
Geleta, Abiyu. 2000. Ethiopian System of Domination and Its Consequences. The Sidama Concern Vol.5. No.4, pp.5-10. [on-line]
Asafa Jalata. 1998. Oromo nationalism and the Ethiopian discourse: the search for freedom and democracy, p. 109-124
Dictatorship is not road to peace in Ethiopia

Saturday 8 April 2006 16:37.

This is a response to TDA’s response to my article, "Ethiopia Needs a New Political Arrangement, Not a Leader", which appeared on March 30, 2006 on the Sudan Tribune.

By Apee Ojulu*

April 7, 2006 — Dear TDA, Upon reading your response to my article, I could not help myself but to say I was flabbergasted by the manner in which you had attempted to make yourself neutral by describing yourself as an Oromo-Amhara stock but turned around to express the very Amhara elite chauvinism by degrading all non-Amhara nations in the country with usually traditional code words such “genuine Ethiopians.”

I expected a response from someone with your capacity to not only, civil, express dismay on the domination of Prime Minister Meles Zenwai’s regime and his advisers in Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), but in fact also express remorse about policies of the past regimes (of which some of its officials are now active members of and supporters of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD)).

Oppression, that you had alluded against the people of Gambella, Sidama, Oromo, Ogadan, Southern Nationalities, Afar and other nations in Ethiopia did not just start under the current Tigry domination, but under Amhara domination/dynasty/Empire. I certainly have no problem with you advocating the removal of Zenawi and his advisers in TPLF from power and creating another political system for the country. Like other opponents of the regime in Addis Ababa, I believe getting rid of Zenawi and his advisers in TPLF is a noble thing to do.

Before I proceed to clarify your allegations, it’s necessary for the benefit of our readers first to clarify the central issue that confused you. The point I made in my original article that comparing CUD with the ruling TPLF doesn’t make much sense, was not based on imagination- and it was not to undermine CUD’s messages or prospect for power. I reached this conclusion based on a logical calculation derived from available evidence. Here is what I derived:

Unlike current Tigry elite domination, Amhara domination was based on at least four elements. One was the political unity system Amhara established. Second, Amharic language that Amhara elite imposed on other nations within the country. Third, Amhara elites forced the concept of Orthodox Church as a state religion at the expense of numerous other religions many in the country adhered to. Fourth- the feudal system Amhara elites established until 1974, some of its remnants were found until 1991.

If CUD intends to restore this Amhara elite dynasty, as I had argued in the article, it would be more severe as compared to the current Tigry domination. Tigry elite domination is a one area domination- political domination. If any another person compares Amhara and Tigry, it’s fair to say that the person could reach the same conclusion. In fact, Amhara elite domination is/was worse than the current Tigry elite domination.

By removing Zenawi’s regime I think we will start speaking freely about historical injustices that have occurred in the country throughout centuries. It will also circumspect our thinking to prevent recurring of past domination, and we will remain vigilant of any chances of reemergence of Amhara dynasty from the remnants of 1991. I’m clear that the prospect for peace and economic development in the country depends on reforming the present Ethiopian State, not crowning another one like Emperor Menelik, Emperor Haile-Sellassie and Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam. A new political arrangement is desperately needed because the current system today is deeply flawed. It does not measure up to true nature of federation where each state/region is allowed to practice and make its decisions. Therefore maintaining such political arrangement is road to more conflict, killings and inter-ethnic wars that end only in miseries. At the same time, I should also say that returning to pre 1991 political unitary system where provincial rulers were directly appointed by a self-made ‘His Excellency’ in Addis Ababa who was often a Amhara ruler, is not an option to maintain a united country either. Political system that incorporates dynasties only breeds tyrannical dictators that Ethiopia experienced until 1991. And modern world does not allow such system.

After rejecting both Amhara and Tigray elite system, there are two other options available that are based more on measured and prudent approaches. One, without Zenawi, to make the current constitutional arrangement measure up to its concept (constitution) which allows each state to exercise its rights of administration, regulation of economy, control over its languages and resources, etc. Enforcing this will allow people of each region to practice their rights. Such system is based on voluntary basics and is the only system that eliminates conflict. Other option is to allow people in every region to fully exercise their rights to choose whether they want to remain a part of the united country or they want to associate with other people. Such system also eliminates conflict among nations and continues to subside economic depression as well as political chaos now existent in the country.

Unitary political system that you and your friends in the leadership of CUD still dream of is a colonial system, whose time has passed with the arrival of modernity. Only a few dictatorial states like China, North Korea and Cuba still maintain such system, and you know what their societies are like. States like Britain that has been democratic for decades have recognized that unitary system brings domination. Upon realization of this, Britain granted regional parliaments to Scotland, Northern Ireland and other territories that became self-governing entities, and this was equal to federal political arrangement.

I find your charges against me troubling. Your obsession to mudslinging instead of bringing out the discussion on how to re-arrange the state for a peaceful settlement is, definitely troubling. I tell you, these hardliners!! TDA, I’m not blood thirsty. If I were, I’d advocate for the very regimes you are advocating for. If you got the impression after reading my article that I am a supporter of the current despotic regime in Addis Ababa, I am here to reassure you again that I am their foe, not even distance ally. I don’t work for the regime, I never did, and I never will. The current regime in Addis Ababa has demonstrated by it actions that it is not only drenched in corruption, but is also trying to create a hegemonic empire within surrounding territories and dominating other nationalities.

TDA, in fact, as someone with well intentions and a deep passion for the well being of my people, it would be a shame to associate myself with such regime. Those who know me personally can testify on my behalf and can certainly provide you with evidence that I am far from supporting that regime. But I’m not going to testify- its not necessary. I don’t have an obligation towards you, and my logical discourse should make it clear that I’m an independent thinker and a well-wisher of my people, not a supporter of any regime.

Also, I presume that you have a name like me and other readers on this website. If you do not have strength to stand behind what you said in public with full confidence, I doubt your credentials. You either are one of CUD’s henchmen, or you were unable to defend your arguments because mine were logical and backed by evidence. It could also be that you realize that evidences I had gathered about CUD’s plans for future are very true, and you couldn’t refute them. Or are you a former member of Emperor Sellassie’s regime or Colonel Mariam’s regime?

Also, in your response to my article, you claimed that CUD’s plan to retake Eritrean Assab port is legitimate, hence worth supporting and dying for by all Ethiopians. You also mentioned that you were a lawyer by vocation. So I presume that you studied international laws governing relations between states. You must have come across charters of the United Nations and its resolutions. For example, UN Resolution 3314 prohibits one state from taking actions against another state. It defines aggression as “(a) The invasion or attack by the armed forces of a State of the territory of another State, or any military occupation, however temporary, resulting from such invasion or attack, or any annexation by the use of force of the territory of another State or part thereof”[1]. Have you forgotten that international laws prohibit Ethiopia from annexing Eritrean port or any part of its territory? Assab port is an Eritrean port and no other country has a right to take it from Eritrea. If you missed this aspect of international law, I ask that you enroll in a course now to learn the basics. Or I should also make it clear that you may have taken studied before the creation of international institutions and laws pre 1945; If you did, fellow TDA, I apology to you in advance. The idea of taking another state property was at the heart of the current dispute between Zenawi and his cousins in Asmara over Badme. You had accused Zenawi and his henchmen of starting endless wars. In supporting CUD objective to take Asmara port, are you not in the same league with Zenawi in wanting to take another country’s port and therefore bring wars to the country?

TDA, in your second point you attempted to counter argue what I said about CUD’s intentions to restore Ethiopian Orthodox Christian domination in the country, as a “completely baseless fabrication and superficial accusation.” But underneath this statement lies the fact you confirmed yourself; that Tefera Walwa, Ethiopian Minister for Capacity Building, raised the same issue on a visit to Awassa. Why did the minister raise the involvement of the Orthodox Church in political arena? You failed to clarify, so I will do you a favor by explaining why.

The minister raised the issue when he was in Awassa because the Orthodox Church, through some pretended traditional church activities, turned a religious festival to a CUD political rally targeted against the government (source: BBC and other independent publications). When the minister got a signal that the Orthodox Church was pushing to take hold of hot political disputes, he raised the issue of an unholy alliance between the Ethiopian Orthodox Church and the CUD. Why didn’t you raise this issue in your article TDA? You knew about the Orthodox Church’s interferences in politics TDA, but you didn’t want to reveal facts and educate our readers. Why? You wanted to deliberately hide these facts about the Orthodox Church because you didn’t want readers to get an impression that the Church was interfering in politics on behalf of CUD. Do not get me wrong and think that I am against the church, taking side of people against the regime. As an institution devoted to welfare of citizens, I expect it to defend the interest of its people. When the church does take such actions, though, it exposes itself to condemnation like every other institution that takes stand on charged political issues. So TDA, do not manufacture facts for the purpose of derogating your foes and enhancing your own position. End should not justify the means. As Plato and Aristotle discovered centuries early, good conduct is the only means to reach good ends. Your use of Machiavellian world of deception to obtain ends that you see as good, only ends in perpetuating evil that you want to end in the first place. We all agree that Zenawi is a sick man who wants to maintain power by all means possible, but opponents of the regime should also avoid use of similar methods the regime uses to maintain high ground against it. This is the only way to defeat the regime.

In your third point you claimed that article 39 of the1994 Ethiopian constitution was drafted and adopted by hand-picked committee members under the order of TPLF. To reinstate my stand, I’m saying it again- I did not raise the issue of article 39 in terms of whether its good or was adopted by all Ethiopian people. Rather I only made the point of article 39 in terms of what CUD intends to do with it. TDA, you should have answered this point only to refute and tell us whether CUD plans to take off the article 39 from the Ethiopian constitution, if and when, it gets the opportunity to take power.

For the sake of argument, article 39 is not as bad compared to the unitary system your friends who ruled Ethiopia throughout the years created and implemented in the country. Actually Article 39 allows each region to teach their own language, rule by own citizens, etc. Although these rights have not totally being ceded to the regional governments like the constitution intended them to, it’s a good start. In a sense that people today in regions such as Gambella, Oromo and others teach their regional languages that your friends prohibited them teaching for centuries during their rule and domination.

Oh, and TDA has attempted to advise me to adopt what he calls “a more constructive attitude that would you to appreciate the reality.” Let me tell you- me pointing out CUD’s prospective plans and conspiracies to others, for the heck of a better Ethiopia wasn’t less productive than you singing CUD tunes and dancing to make them happy. I do not buy your idea that people should not cross-examine what they are told because doing so would aid their foes; where are you? 15th century?? Your perception very well chimes with that of a traditional tyrannical dictator- indeed, that’d be one tactics the current regime could use to prevent people from questioning their actions and policies. Is that what you’re telling us to do, my friend? If I adopt such attitudes of blind following, I’ll lose my rights, future and habit for creating conducive political system to make my life and my people’s lives better. What, if you want people to follow you so blindly, distinguishes you from the current tyrannical dictatorship regime of Addis Ababa?

You know the fact the Oromo Liberation Front, Gambella People’s Liberation Movement, Afar Liberation Front and host of other movements accepted what the TPLF told them without questioning their authenticities in 1991 and allied with the tribal movement. You also know then TPLF took power. OLF and GPLM left the alliance with TPLF barely two years late and they have returned to armed struggle. Thus all movements struggling against the regime today do not want to follow another political group without clear commitment to certain principles, and that an ethnic domination is not what they are fighting for. Those who you have alluded to fighting the regime in Gambella, Afar, Sidama, Oromia, Ogenda, Southern Nationalities and other areas did not start their struggles only to flow with the current or just to see whether other ethnic domination could be established in the country.

FONT face="arial, helvetica, sans-serif">In conclusion, TDA, your attempts to tie me to the current regime in Addis Ababa is baseless and does not carry any weight. I consider Addis Ababa a corrupt, chauvinistic and genocidal, just like the past Amhara Empire was. Regarding the future of Ethiopia, I advice you to closely follow non-Amhara talks and critical discussions on the Ethiopian state. Blindly following someone is no longer the tradition. In this new spirit people have access to education and other channels, and people are more open to criticisms and learn from their mistakes. And please don’t try too hard to make people believe “the top leadership of the CUD is persons with impeccable intellect and discipline.” Time has come for a fair political system.

Mr. Obbo Tokkumma and Mr. Tewtedagn Belew thank you for your measured responses to my article. Some of the things we did not agree on are minor I avoided discussing them here in the reply. I only want to response to Mr. TDA here

* Apee Ojulu is a citizen of the greater East Africa area and is the Editor of www.gambelatoday.com, a website which is devoted to publishing news and commentaries on issues concerning Gambella state, Sudan and Ethiopia. He can be reached at api@gambelatoday.com

The Nuer Plight Against Marginalization

Mon, 05 Dec 2005 06:00:00 GMT

By James Ojoch*
Are the Nuer the pure champions of equality and fairness? Hell knows.

Dec 4, 2005 — The Nuer have voiced their dissatisfaction with the formation of GoSS (Government of Southern Sudan) and GoNU (Government of National Unity) that they were insignificantly represented. In other words, they were and are marginalized. This is evident in the Open Letter by the SPLA/M Caucus Nuer in the Southern Sudan Legislative Assembly to Gen. Salva Kiir Mayardit on 10/26/2005. This letter is floating everywhere. All other Nuer platforms are in chorus with a very strong grudge against the Dinka Elite. In their eyes the Dinka tribe has cornered them as a revenge for the events of 1991 and also for the frequent changes of positions back and forth in between Bashir and the SPLA/M. The legacy of those changes is the SSDF which Bashir still uses as a sharp leverage needle pricking the SPLA/M to weaken it. Also the SSDF uses Bashir in the same way. The Nuer expect that the pressure by SSDF and Bashir will overcome the marginalization. But what the SSDF doesn’t want to tell is that Bashir is an enemy to both SSDF and SPLA/M. Bashir is interested in foiling the CPA. However the Nuer threat is that if the SSDF is not accepted by the SPLA/M as equal there will be chaos and CPA will crumble dead. Another threat is that if the Nuer aspirations are not met the Nuer will quit from SPLA/M to join other parties taking the minorities with them. That is the gamble to loosen the SPLA/M.

That withstanding, the Nuer have a point to ask for equal rights and representation. In fact this interim period should accommodate ethnic groups for smooth implementation of the CPA. Accordingly the SPLA/M must also find ways to get the SSDF on board to seal off the hostility for the sake of peace. Getting SSDF on board is not a defeat but a good gesture. Doing so will isolate Bashir who is now enjoying the company of the SSDF. SPLA/M is struggling with two bad guys. It would have been Bashir sitting in that position.

While the Nuer have the right to claim for rights and equality, are they democratic in their treatment of other people? While the Nuer feel the pain of marginalization and “Dinkanization” do they have mercy on minorities whom they hope to carry along to other parties? Obviously no minority will sail away with the Nuer. The minorities know how much suffering they endure under the Nuer tyranny. The Nuer is interested in building a big Nuer empire accross the Southern Sudan landscape. It is obsessed with outdated idea of conquest as the main goal of life.

To justify their claim for equality and freedom they abhor the Dinka presence in the Moro and Mundari country where the Dinka are a cause for loss of life these days. It is a good point. But the Nuer are very brutal against the Anyuak, the Shilluk, the Murle, the Burun and the Dinkas in their borders. The Nuer have forcefully occupied lands of all these tribes and call it their own even during this time of peace. The Shilluk Kingdom was devastated by forces of SSDF dominated by Nuer with the Arab gun. The Nuer have built homes in Obel and Doleib Hill which are Shilluk domains. People like John Luk Jok, Timothy Kueth Luak etc, had their intermediate in Obel School. They know it is Shilluk land. Today they are the colonizers.

The Nuer marginalization of the Anyuak is extreme. Again with Arab gun the Anyuak country is devastated and is still under siege. Today, the Nuer call Akobo their country by force. All peoples of the Sudan including the enemy Arab know it is the Anyuak land. The Anyuak IDPs want to go home. They cannot because the Nuer have built on the homesteads pushing the Anyuak of Akobo further inland. If the loss of government representation is painful to the Nuer the loss of land should be more painful to the Anyuak. Yet the Nuer are against marginalization by the Dinka. Do they really deserve to cry?

Talking about representation in government, Akobo commissioner is a Nuer. All deputies are Nuer. In Jonglei State Government and Assembly Akobo is represented by Nuer. The Anyuak commanders have been dispersed away from Akobo by the Nuer to silence the Anyuak voice. These actions were and are not by accident. It is a well planned brutal assassination of a tribe. Yet the Nuer are thirsty for equality and representation. The big SSDF is also thirsty when it has been the main cause of delay of Southern Sudan liberation.

There are several clans of Nuer in the Anyuak land today. But the main clans are the mor and the Gon. While they both have occupied the lands they fight day and night for the share of lands. They cannot mix and stay together even while in their mainland in Lou. The whole Nuer territory is full of trouble. Gajook against Gajaak. Gon against Mor, Jikany against Lou and crisscross fights. Cieng Nyajengni clan is a refugee group chased away by the another clan because of blood feud. The Upper Nile and Jonglei States are in chaos created by the Nuer.

With all the pains that the Nuer inflict on other tribes they claim to be more democratic and champions of peace and equality. If the Nuer think that the Dinka Elite caused them problems, it is the Nuer Elite causing problems to the Anyuak. People like John Luk Jok, Timothy Kueth Luak, Tap Kota, Wal Duany, James Sejin [ including Riek Gai Kok who is part of the bunch around Bashir] are the think-tanks behind the strategies of occupation of Akobo and to make sure the Anyuak don’t exist there forever. Luk Jok, Riek Gai Kok and others like Nyang Keak, Nyang Dak, Loang Puot, Gatreay Luak, Taban Luak, [sorry some have passed way], learned their first ABC in Anyuak vernicular in Anyuak schools because they were aliens to the region. Today they call themselves the real Akobo citizens without shame.

The Anyuak and the others do not oppose the Nuer claims for rights and representation at all levels of government. It is up to the GoSS to judge whether those claims are legitimate. The message to them is therefore for them to stop marginalization of others if they are also looking for justice. They should vacate the Anyuak and other peoples’ lands unconditionally. They should reverse the old ideology of colonization. The time for colonization is over with the British in 1956. If the Nuer and the SSDF want a good gesture from the Dinka and SPLA/M they must also show the rule of law to others.

Let the people of Southern Sudan see this: Lou Nuer alone have created three counties in the middle of nowhere to get more seats in government. This is a typical cheating. On top of acquiring three counties in Lou area they have taken away Akobo county. All four counties are represented by the Lou Nuer. The Lou Nuer cannot say there are no Anyuaks fit to be appointed. The fact is it was a design to seal off the Anyuak they [ Lou Nuer] are the ones manipulating that part of Jonlei State.

The message to the GoSS is to protect the minorities against the brutal majorities like the Nuer. It is a responsibility of the GoSS not to wait too long to issue a decree that all ethnic groups who are IDPs or occupiers of other peoples lands must go back to their origins of 1956. If the GoSS needs Abei to be part of the South then it should not difficult for the Southern nationalities to go back home. The Governor of Jonglei, Philip Thon Leek, is doing a great job by trying to find ways to bring back the Dinka IDPs from Equatoria and planning to disarm unauthorized people in the Jonglei State. He should also move further and quickly to effectively protect minorities evicted by tyrants from their ancestral lands for them to go back to rebuild their lives. The time now is for peace and development. The peace and development will not happen if the inter-ethnic antagonism still exists. Unnecessary suffering must cease. No Southerner must suffer at the hands of another Southerner.

ANYUAK/NUER - Acquiring citizenship by aggression in Ethiopia

Wednesday 22 March 2006 16:35.
By J. Ojoch*
Mar 19, 2006 — The Nuer are not true nomads. True nomads roam for water and grazing only. The Nuer roam in the grass and water leaving so much behind but thirsty for more new lands.

The Nuer want others to endure their presence for diversity to flourish [Kong J. Toang, Sudan Tribune, March 10/2006].

For the Nuer the way to earn acceptance and recognition is to fight and then make peace. To the outsiders it is surprising. To those who know the Nuer well it is not surprising because in Nuer culture there is no system of law and order. As such violence is the motto and basis of manhood. Violence is the first choice for resolutions. They never had a governing body in their culture. Even today they remain antagonistic in the Southern Sudan and Ethiopia. They see the CPA differently. They see the Ethiopian federalism differently. The notion of and living under a government is alien to them. No wonder why the Nuer country is full of “nyagat”. They fit nowhere. The first time they saw law and order was when the British arrived. The British wanted a liaison with the Nuer society. So leaders had to be nominated to work with the British administration. But the spirit of arbitrary action never vanished. The Nuer authority rests on individuals or splinter groups who take action on their own any time. For example, we saw recently in Jonglei what happened at Yuai. A white army splinter attacked the SPLA soldiers who went to welcome them into the peace process now that Matiep joined the SPLA. The loss of life there was as a result of arbitrary action.

Contrarily the Anyuak had and still have kings and chiefs. Arbitrary action in the Anyuak society is out of question. Law and order is always in place. For this reason crime involving human life is very minimal in the Anyuak community in contrast to the Nuer community which teems with blood all the time. Diversity to the Anyuak must come as a result of peaceful interaction, not by imposition.

Migration is a thing of the past fitting that period. The world of ancient migrants has changed and is more civilized today. The Nuer are yet in the ancient world with their migration. They cherish it because it is an arbitrary process and a source of pride for them. The present migration and the present intimidation of neighbors stem out of the outrageous whims and covetous nature of the Nuer nation in groups, clans or individually. The arbitrary behavior, the migration and resultant aggression are a function of manhood and power in the Nuer culture. Historically, the Nuer migration came to a halt in all directions by 1860. But the lust, the whims and the urge to move and acquire continued to this day becoming a basis to cause war and bloodshed with the Anyuak in the Anyuak territory and in other places in the Sudan. A Nuer man is born to go out to do the unthinkable.

Often the excuse is blamed on competition for water and grazing for Nuer to wander afield across unknown territory. This trend of movement is relevant elsewhere with true nomads. The Nuer case is different. It is a show of guts and power. If it were for water and grazing for the cattle, the Nuer got enough land, water and fishing grounds already acquired over time. For example, all the rivers flowing from the Anyuak territories pour into the Nuer acquired lands and home land with all the fish in it. The flood plains of the Jikany are rich and lush grazing grounds during the dry season. Going upstream to get more water, fish, or grass for the cattle is a very meaningless and an irrelevant adventure.

With all the natural resources available to the Jikany Nuer, they are not satisfied to settle down for a meaningful life. The continuity to move east into the Anyuak zone is the quest for land and lust to impose; lust to take by force to show manhood, strength and recognition and hence to gain social acceptance. In their sense it is how diversity must come. Raiding the Anyuak and others is a sport for the young men who initiate into manhood after the initiation ordeal. The young men get out of seclusion wild and ready for recklessness. Each generation must do something extraordinary, that is, to go out to fight the Anyuak for more land and to loot cattle from others. When will the Nuer think of doing something else than antagonism, anarchy and fighting? Among the Nuer are great scholars but yet there is no change in the methods of living among themselves leave alone with others. The popular word is: If our grandfathers migrated and won, we must migrate also to win [Pal Thokbuom Deng, The Eastern Jikany Migration and the Evolution of their Political System, March 01, 2006, MGERF articles, Maiut.net].

All wars were and are always fought on Anyuak soil. The only time the Anyuak ever took the fight into the heart of Lou was in 1910-11. The Lou Nuer were chased way out to the Zaraf River. The Anyuak would have settled had not the British pre-empted them. That was to show the Nuer the misery of occupation.

With the above narration the readers understand how adventurous the Nuer are to this day. Even the elite who are expected to teach the populace encourage this trend of life style. The Nuer is a race proud of bad things. The Anyuak resist the Nuer encroachment in all its forms not because of misunderstanding the value of diversity as asserted by Kong J. Toang [Conflicts and Resource managent in the Gambella region, Sudan Tribune, March 10/2006]. Not because the Nuer are less human. It is because aggressive diversity is unacceptable. Understanding diversity is not by giving up land to please other parties. Diversity should not be enforced by intrusion and war. Peace cannot come after cheating the Anyuak. Peace cannot take place with the Nuer in the Anyuak house after pushing the Anyuak outside. Where is the civilized logic that Kong wanted the audience in Ethiopia and Sudan to hear?

Kong analysed the consequences of the Abwobo Dam as a case that caused the Cieng Nyajaani to move into the Anuak land. The readers already know that going upstream for more water is meaningless unless there is some other agenda. It is even much more troubling when the Nyajaani chose to go upstream of another river. True, the Dam reduced the water levels of Aluoro and Ciru down the course. The Pokedi villages are also below the dam. The Anyuak of Pokedi did not move anywhere. There is enough water for all purposes. Aluoro River has no connection with Makuey. Makuey is another river that falls into Sobat [Baro, Openo] at a different point. Hence no connection with Abwobo dam. Cieng Nyajaani are not affected in any way by the dam.

The Dam flooded Abwobo town too. The residents of that town were compensated for their homes and permanent farm plants. That was not enough but they did not complain and did not migrate. Abwobo people built another Abwobo nearby. But it is not a good reason to drive the Cieng Nyajaani upstream of another river to get water. There were and are short cuts to water for the Nyajaani if there was a problem at all. The Cieng Nyajaani had access to the Sobat [Baro] at Jikou and the environs if Makuey river water evaporated. Instead they went upstream to Akado, Opanya, marching towards Gambella town which Kong said was “voting by foot”. Is that the search for water? The fact is, the Cieng Nyajaani were running away from blood feud with the other clans adjacent to Makuey who are closer to the Sobat River banks. They killed a person. They had to run to escape the revenge. Now Kong is lying big on their behalf that the government in Gambella did not provide water for the Cieng Nyajaani. The Nyajaani could not be accommodated at Lare, the seat of “Nuer government”. The Opuo rejected them after a fight. Other Nuer clans could not even accommodate them. If the Nuer clans cannot live together, share together, what kind of diversity do the Anyuak expect of the Nuer?

Kong also touched severely on the Gambella administration under the Anyuak when Mengistu fell. The Anyuak fought Mengistu while the Nuer were enjoying life with Thuath Pal and Joshua De Lual at the helm of power in Gambella. When Mengistu fell they had no choice but to run home to Nuer territory taking everybody along. All Nuer fled and were booed on the way homeward by the other Nuer along the way. Those who did not run were those caught up by the wave in Addis Ababa. Yet the Anyuak accepted all of them back. It was not impossible to shut the border then. But that war was not about Nuer. It was a revolution against a brutal government. Those who did not have a purpose to die for did not go out to fight that regime but had to run for dear life when their government fell. They went home quickly traveling day and night. The assertion that the Anyuak went on rampage to kill the Nuer elite is a complete misrepresentation. If that happened, the Nuer would have totally gone away. It happened at Akobo when Sijin Banak killed the Anyuak using the Arab government apparatus. The Anyuak fled Akobo town and the surroundings. The Nuer would not have the guts that much to stay on in the face of killing of the magnitude described by Kong.

The atrocities and killing of the Anyuak by the SPLA in Piny-Udo was indeed generated by the Nasir faction who wanted to topple Garang. Thuath and Joshua were the men who used the Gambella power to advance the Nuer aspirations against Garang. These officials and the Nasir faction drew a wedge between the Anyuak and the Dinka and refugees at large with the hope that the Anyuak would form alliance with the Nuer to overthrow Garang. The whole equation was to remove Dinka from Ethiopia by using the Anyuak anger. Unfortunately the Anyuak did not lose focus to see the real killer behind the scene. The SPLA did not come to Ethiopia because the Nuer opened the way for it. The SPLA went to Ethiopia as Anya-Nya I and Anya-Nya II did. On the way to Bilpam, the Nuer killed a lot of Dinka passing through their territory. The Anyuak did not blame the Nuer [or Thuath and Joshua] for the presence of the SPLA in the region. It was the sabotage that the Nuer officials did to spill the Anyuak blood to help the Nasir faction against the Dinka. It was a dangerously calculated politics.

Gambella government politics entails different meanings to outsiders. It is not the backward development in the region nor the Anyuak jealousy for highlanders’ businesses as claimed in the article cited above that generated problems. The Anyuak did not and do not like two things to infringe on their lives. One, the Anyuak did not want the EPRDF military to dictate their affairs. Everything was imposed on Gambella government in the form of a calculated order from the capital through the EPRDF representatives and appendages. The autonomy therefore was not practically genuine. The other thing was the Nuer imposition and war attitude in quest for power coupled with the pressure of Nuer numbers roaming the region fighting with the farmers. Consequently the Anyuak requested their constitutional rights to stay alone, and the Nuer to form a local government at Lare for them to have a complete power in their hands. This would resolve the political frictions. At long last the Nuer have a government in Lare. Yet they are not content. They want more.

The Nuer have acquired Ethiopian citizenship by aggression already. The statistics of population quoted is disputable because it was cooked by Joshua, inflating it with refugees and people who never existed. The road to Sudan is opened at this time. Refugees will return home. The next census will be different.

The acceptance of the Nuer in Ethiopia by the upper government was not without reason. The rulers above in the capital wanted to keep the border people tangled in feuds to keep them away from national politics. The government found an Anyuak rival. This is true in Southern and Eastern Ethiopia. It is the same equation here in Gambella. The Anyuak therefore wanted a solution which the Nuer and the highlanders saw in a different way each looking for own advantage while on the surface siding against the Anyuak. The Highlanders saw that if the Nuer went away, the Anyuak attention will concentrate on them. The highlanders had experienced expulsion in other regions of members who did ethnically belong there. For example, the Oromo expelled the Amhara, the Tigre and vise versa. So they did not want a thing like that to happen to them in Gambella, a thing which the Anyuak did not even think about. Behind all that the highlanders did not want their power challenged.

The Nuer purpose of living on earth is to get the Anyuak land at any cost. So the Nuer saw that if they went away encroachment and migration will totally stop. Getting the Anyuak land will be difficult. Their intrusion and marauding attitude will single out. The two groups advised themselves to stay tight against the Anyuak. It is a game play that built up tension over time. This pressure was supported by the government to protect the highlanders’ interests and embracing the Nuer to maintain the border conflicts. Since the Nuer and the highlanders have interests to safeguard they did not see the Anyuak plight otherwise. There is and was, indeed, no chance the Anyuak would accept diversity that way.

Now there is a government in Lare. Are the Nuers not happy about it? Some good and sensible Nuer individuals have even confided and said openly that it was wrong for the Nuer to impose so much on the Anyuak in their towns now that the Lare administration is functional. The solution is almost near with Lare government in place. The Lare people are developing their district freely without worry of conflict with the Anyuak. They have also sifted their ranks and exposed the Nuer elite from Sudan not to compete with them for jobs. Such persons finally ran to Sudan to enjoy the CPA.

At present the Anuak are helping the Lare government with technical personnel in agriculture, education, infrastructure etc. This is the way the diversity can flourish spontaneously, not by war. The Lare government has rejected all other Nuer roaming about in their region. That is why you see the Cieng Nyajaani lurking behind the Anyuak settlements. All Nuer sections, in districts, sub-districts, must settle for development to reach them. If Lare Nuer did not sit down, development would not have reached them. At this time Lare market is booming. The Gon and the Mor must learn from Lare and settle in Lou for development to reach them. Fighting for Akobo waters is not a safe way to diversity.

The massacre of the Anyuak by the EPRDF did not occur overnight. What was seen on December 13/2003 was a conclusion of the plan. If it was not a plan a list of wanted persons could not be generated during the chaos. Time for oil drilling was near. The EPRDF saw that drilling will not be smooth if the Anyuak were not neutralized first. The highlanders also have sensed the building tension that the ambush of a car, which was not proven to be an Anyuak creation, became the perfect pretext to implement the plan. Once the Anyuak were done it was expected that the Nuer would finish them off and dominate the land and its people. That was why the EPRDF quickly announced the killing as a Nuer-Anyuak ethnic fight.

However, at the end of the massacre both the government and the Nuer were surprised by the aftermath fever. The Anyuak in Diaspora raised the massacre to international heights that put the heat on Meles Zenawi to this day. Ethiopia was accused of genocide to account for the Anyuak lives. The highlanders started moving out of the region fearing Anyuak retaliation. Some never returned back.

The Nuer surprise was that the EPRDF smeared them with the killing calling the massacre a Nuer-Anyuak conflict. This is what has been designed for border conflict excuses. Once the Nuer were implicated by the government they had no way but to keep aloof from it all. Without that smearing the Nuer could have easily devastated the Anyuak further while the Anyuak were frightened and on the run. Some wise Nuer saw the massacre as something coming for the Nuer also once the Anyuak are subdued. The smearing curtailed Nuer action. Nuer as Nuer would have filled up the vacuum. Also some Nuer anticipated highly that a Nuer would be president of the region now that the Anyuak were out of politics. The Nuer celebrated in the USA, Canada and the Sudan. It did not happen. This was another bad message for the Nuer.

The Gambella region will get peace in the future. The EPRDF will not be there forever. The first prerequisite for peace is for the Nuer to settle for development to go to them. Once the Nuer settle the government in Lare will be stronger to present claims for development to regional and national houses. While the Nuer is on the move and fighting on the road to new lands, development will not be in their favor therefore prolonging Gambella conflicts. Anyuak do not follow the Nuer. It is the Nuer that follow everywhere with the cattle, women and children. The Anyuak always tried to make gaps wider to avoid conflicts. Yet the Nuer took this as a cowardly retreat. The Nuer are insensitive to the goodwill and feelings of others.

To sum up, the case with the highlanders is politics. The ordinary highlanders are there for business. They already feel the results of their actions in concert with the government against the Anyuak. Those brought to settle do not move from where the government put them. The highlanders’ general stay may depend on how long the EPRDF will rule. Any other government may have a different approach altogether. In the meantime the trust between them and the Anyuak is limited. They do not have a backyard to hide in. So they feel the pain more than the Anyuak do. Peace will surely come as attitudes change within the highlanders’ society and the government itself. Peace will come with Nuer settlement.

The plight of Cieng Nyajaani cannot be blamed on Abwobo Dam. The Cieng Nyajaani must settle the blood feud than running from it. Only then can they be free. Miration for no relevant reasons must stop if the Nuer want to show their arrival into the civilized world. The ancestors did what they did because it fitted those conditions.

Overall, history has taken its course to bring the Nuer and the highlanders to the Anyuak land. It should not be blamed for the present problems. It is the selfishness and the tyrany of the comers to demand more of the Anyuak that is to blame.

* J. Ojoch is a Sudanese based in the USA. For more information and for people who are interested by the Anyuak people in Sudan and Ethiopia please visit http://www.anyuakmedia.com